Zambia’s economic performance in 2025 represents a clear shift from crisis containment to macroeconomic stabilisation, although the recovery remains incomplete and uneven.

The 2025 year can best be described as one of consolidation rather than transformation.

Economic growth improved, largely supported by mining, services, transport, ICT, and a rebound in agricultural activity following earlier climate shocks.

Stronger copper output and exports continued to anchor foreign exchange earnings, reinforcing Zambia’s resource-led growth model.

However, the concentration of growth in a few sectors highlights the persistent vulnerability of the economy to commodity price fluctuations.

Inflation showed signs of moderation during the year, supported by tighter monetary policy, a more stable Kwacha, and easing imported inflation.

Read more: Shadow economy needs protective measures, fire on community markets triggering concerns, by Kelvin Chisanga

Nevertheless, inflation remained above the Bank of Zambia’s target range, reflecting deep-seated structural cost pressures linked to energy constraints, food supply inefficiencies and high logistics costs.

This explains why many households have not felt immediate relief in the cost of living despite improved macro indicators.

Externally, Zambia recorded a stronger trade position and improved foreign exchange reserve accumulation. These developments enhanced external stability and strengthened the currency, reducing short-term balance-of-payments risks.

Yet the external sector remains highly sensitive to global copper demand, underscoring the urgency of export diversification and value addition.

On the fiscal front, progress under the IMF-supported programme and debt restructuring efforts helped restore fiscal credibility in 2025.

Exiting acute debt distress is a major milestone, but it does not imply fiscal comfort.

Debt sustainability remains fragile, and renewed non-concessional borrowing would quickly reverse recent gains.

In summary, the year 2025 has been marked with patterns of stabilisation though without full inclusion.

The challenge ahead is converting macroeconomic gains into jobs, lower living costs and broad-based growth through structural reforms, energy security and private-sector-led productivity.

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The post Zambia’s 2025 economic performance – end-year reflections, by Kelvin Chisanga first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

Zambia is standing at the edge of a constitutional disaster. If Mr Hakainde Hichilema is allowed to force Bill 7 through Parliament outside strict democratic discipline, outside genuine national consensus, outside the moral authority of the people, and in violation of the Constitutional Court order, then what will emerge is not reform but the birth of a constitutional dictatorship and illegality.

This will not be an isolated legislative mistake. It will be a fundamental restructuring of power away from the people and into the permanent grip of the Executive.

At this moment, the most dangerous issue is no longer whether Bill 7 contains progressive clauses or harmful ones. That debate has already been overtaken by a far graver crime. The crime of forcing constitutional change onto an unwilling and divided nation.

A constitution that is imposed through pressure, inducement, political engineering, illegality, and procedural shortcuts ceases to be a people’s document. It becomes a tool of domination.

From this point forward, every amendment passed in this manner will no longer be judged by its content but by its coercive birth. That is how dictatorships emerge in suits and ties, not through coups but through manipulated legality.

Let us be absolutely clear. The Constitution is not a party manifesto. It is not a campaign pledge. It is not a presidential project. It is a national covenant that binds generations.

To alter it requires humility, restraint, and unquestionable national consent. Once that consent is replaced with force and illegalities, the state crosses from democratic authority into constitutional aggression.

The defenders of this forced march insist that Parliament has the numbers and that legality is satisfied by a vote. This is a dangerous lie sold as constitutional wisdom. The majority rule without legitimacy is not democracy.

It is organised political aggression. When numbers are weaponised against national consensus, the Constitution is reduced to a procedural hostage. This is how republics collapse without tanks on the streets. This is how dictatorship learns to speak the language of law while murdering its spirit.

Once the precedent is set that a government can amend the supreme law through intimidation, inducements, illegality, political recycling of defiant MPs, and manufactured compliance, Zambia will never again have a stable constitutional order. Every future president will inherit a loaded gun pointed at democracy.

Today, it is Bill 7. Tomorrow, it will be term limits. The day after, it will be total executive capture. That is how constitutional authoritarianism becomes permanent policy.

What makes this crisis even more dangerous is the growing realisation that public submissions were never meant to shape the outcome. They were meant to decorate a predetermined decision. That is not a consultation. That is deception.

A people who discover that they were used as ceremonial participants in a staged democratic ritual do not remain passive. They withdraw trust. They abandon patience. They disengage from peaceful consensus. And when legitimacy collapses, instability rushes in to occupy the vacuum.

A Constitution forced onto the people becomes a weapon against the people. What begins as a legal amendment ends as social conflict. You cannot coerce national unity. You cannot intimidate national consent. You cannot whip peace into existence. Unity grows from trust, not fear. Peace grows from inclusion, not humiliation.

Those who downplay these dangers must remember one permanent lesson of African political history. Constitutional arrogance always ends the same way. It either breeds prolonged instability or invites violent correction. Zambia has survived because it has largely avoided both extremes through negotiation, compromise, and institutional restraint. Bill 7, as it is being driven right now, threatens to destroy that historic balance.

The most reckless aspect of this moment is the casual demonisation of dissent. Citizens who raise alarm are called enemies of progress. Civil society is painted as agents of hidden hands.

Political opponents are accused of fear and bitterness. This culture of delegitimising all disagreement is not strength. It is the early training ground of authoritarianism.

Mr Hichilema must understand that state power is seductive because it creates the illusion of permanence. But legitimacy is the only true currency of enduring leadership.

Once it is exhausted, all that remains is tension management, not nation building. Force may deliver a vote. It can never deliver peace.

Read More: Constitutional Court throws out bid against Speaker, MPs over Bill 7

This is, therefore, a final warning moment for Zambia. It is not yet too late to pause. It is not yet too late to withdraw. It is not yet too late to re-engage the nation, honestly.

But if Bill 7 is rammed through in its current atmosphere of dispute, suspicion, and national anxiety, Zambia will cross a psychological line from which return will be slow, painful, and uncertain.

Peace is not preserved by silencing the people.
Unity is not protected by outvoting the nation.
A Constitution imposed is a Constitution rejected in advance.

If this government chooses force over process, speed over legitimacy, and power over restraint, then it must also accept full responsibility for the political, social, and national consequences that will inevitably follow.
The exercise of power must be a constant practice of self limitation and modest.

The author is President of the Socialist Party.

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The post IF BILL 7 is forced through, constitutional dictatorship and illegality will be born, by Fred M’membe first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

The burning of community market is not just a tragic event, it is usually a severe socioeconomic setback for hundreds of informal traders whose livelihoods depend entirely on daily business operations.

Markets like Kitwe’s Chamboli, Chingola’s Chiwempala and Lusaka’s City Markets are economic lifelines, especially for low-income households, and any iota of disruptions instantly translates into food insecurity, loss of income and increased vulnerability among families.

In many urban communities, market trading is the primary source of employment for most women, young people and informal entrepreneurs.

Read more: Young people’s development, key aspiration to foster intergenerational leadership integrity, by Kelvin Chisanga

The destruction of merchandise and trading spaces means that households that were already struggling to meet basic needs now face an even harsher reality.

This single incident of Chamboli Market burnt down can push many people into deeper poverty belt, as most traders operate without some form of insurance or specifics of financial buffers.

If investigations tend to reveal any form of foul play or deliberate sabotage, it must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.

Acts like this are not just criminal, they are economically destructive and socially devastating. They wipe out years of hard work, push families into hunger, and strain social safety nets.

It can be however important for local city councils to embed a small portion of insurance charge in their daily levy collections to help with indemnity purposes on property and goods.

This tragedy and many others that occured in the past, clearly highlights the urgent need for government and local authorities to strengthen market security systems, invest in fire-prevention infrastructure and create emergency support mechanisms for affected traders.

Markets are community-linked assets, and protecting them is such a critical important aspect in order to sustaining household incomes, urban food supply chains and local economic stability.

Rebuilding must be swift, transparent and inclusive, ensuring traders are supported to return to business with dignity and minimal disruption.

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The recent political events in Tanzania represent a profound and heartbreaking betrayal, not merely of democratic principles, but of the very essence of human dignity and leadership.

The systematic jailing of opposition figures and the arbitrary exclusion of candidates from the electoral process created a pre-ordained outcome, a hollow victory where 97% of votes serve not as a mandate, but as a monument to political repression.

When a people’s voice is systematically silenced, their frustration inevitably finds another outlet.

The peaceful protests that emerged from this orchestrated injustice were a cry for help, a plea for fairness from citizens who believed in their nation’s potential.

The state’s response was not one of dialogue or conciliation, but of brutal force. The subsequent riots and the loss of numerous innocent lives mark a dark stain on the nation’s history.

Each life lost was a universe of potential extinguished—a future president, a visionary minister, a dedicated banker, or an inspiring teacher. The nation’s future was, quite literally, bleeding in the streets.

In the face of this national trauma, the decision to proceed with a presidential inauguration was an act of profound moral bankruptcy. It was a ceremony that celebrated power over people, and victory over virtue.

This act is rendered even more condemnable by the fact that the President is a woman. Society holds women to a sacred standard of nurture and protection, a standard forged in the furnace of motherhood.

When a woman in the highest office presides over the bloodshed of her own citizens, she does not merely fail as a leader; she betrays a fundamental trust.

She shatters the archetype of the protective mother and places all women in leadership at risk of being unfairly deemed untrustworthy with the lives of those they are sworn to serve.

This is a slap in the face of human rights and a chilling contradiction to the selfless love we associate with motherhood.

The biblical parable of King Solomon and the two women provides a timeless lesson. The true mother, faced with the threat of her child being cleaved in two, immediately relinquished her claim, preferring the child to live without her than to die. Her cry was, “No!” Her instinct was protection at all costs.

Where was this “no” in Tanzania? Where was the maternal instinct to say, “Stop! These are my children. Their lives are more important than my power.” This was the moment for a leader, a woman, a symbolic mother of the nation, to stand between her citizens and the sword. That failure to protect is an abdication of a deeper, universal responsibility.

To the international community, we must speak with unwavering clarity: any nation, entity, or individual that supports or justifies these events in Tanzania is complicit in the erosion of democracy and the devaluation of human life.

To stand with this regime is to declare that you do not mean well for the people of Tanzania, for the future of Africa, or for the fundamental principles of justice and human rights that underpin a civilized world.

We condemn these acts in the strongest possible terms. We mourn the lost, we stand with the oppressed, and we demand accountability. The world is watching, and history will judge not only those who committed these acts, but also those who stood by in silence.

The author is the Member of Africa Unite and Women in Politics.

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The post A betrayal of motherhood and mandate: the tragedy in Tanzania, by Faith Munthali first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

Zambia’s digital space has become a battleground between innovation and regulation. Over the years, successive governments have made repeated attempts to control, regulate, and tax online platforms, from tariffs on internet phone calls and digital taxes to proposals to regulate online digital marketing and regulate podcasts.

The latest move comes from the Zambia Institute of Marketing (ZIM), which has reaffirmed its commitment to regulating the country’s advertising and digital marketing space, a move it says is intended to protect consumers and promote ethical communication, but one that has raised new concerns among digital content creators and free expression advocates.

Critics warn it is yet another attempt to tax, control, and censor the creative and independent voices thriving online.

A History of Digital Tax and Online Regulation in Zambia

2018: Tariff on Internet Phone Calls

In 2018, under the Patriotic Front (PF) government, Zambia introduced a 30 ngwee daily tariff on internet phone calls made through applications such as WhatsApp, Skype, and Viber.
Government argued that the increased use of internet-based calls was hurting the telecommunications industry and leading to job losses in companies like Zamtel, Airtel, and MTN. The Cabinet approved a Statutory Instrument (SI) to facilitate collection of the tariff through mobile operators and internet service providers.

According to research at the time, over 80 percent of Zambians used internet applications for voice calls. This “social media tax” was widely criticized as a barrier to affordable communication and an attack on digital rights. Civil society organizations, journalists, and tech advocates called it an unfair double charge, since citizens were already paying for data bundles.

2020: Proposals for a Digital Tax

Two years later, the government proposed a Digital Tax targeting global companies such as Netflix, YouTube, and Facebook, claiming they were “making profits from Zambian consumers without paying local taxes.”

While this appeared to promote fair taxation, digital rights advovates rejected it, warning that it could “kill creativity and innovation” among Zambian youth.

The same period also saw a rise in arrests of online journalists and bloggers, confiscation of media equipment, and internet shutdowns, further deepening fears of growing digital surveillance.
Remember this was a year before elections in 2021.

2024–2025: The IBA Act to Regulate Online Broadcasting

In 2024, the government announced that it was revising the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) Act to extend regulation to online broadcasting and podcasts.

Minister of Information and Media Cornelius Mweetwa, speaking through Permanent Secretary Thabo Kawana, said the reforms aim to “bring sanity to the online broadcasting sector”, which has grown rapidly without clear oversight.

“There is an issue to do with online broadcasting. We have seen a proliferation of what they call podcasts, and there seems to be no regulation around that area,” Mr. Mweetwa said during the presentation of the IBA and ZNBC draft layman’s bills.

He added that the reforms would also ensure that the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC) operates as a true public service broadcaster, free from partisan control, a move meant to correct “anomalies” created under the previous regime.

While the government views this as modernization, media advocates fear that regulating online broadcasting could become a backdoor to licensing podcasters and online journalists, curbing independent voices in the name of “sanity.”

Critics were against licensing of online journalists and bloggers as this would inhibit independence in reporting and limit the freedom of expression.”

2025: ZIM’s Proposal to Regulate Digital Marketing

On 29 October, 2025, the Zambia Institute of Marketing (ZIM) reaffirmed its commitment to regulating the country’s advertising and digital marketing space.

ZIM Registrar and Chief Executive Officer Danny Chanda explained that this initiative will be guided by a Code of Business Practice, set for release in November 2025. The Code will specify what advertising practices are acceptable across various product categories.

Read More: Group calls for inclusive internet governance, social media monitoring agency (video)

The move has triggered a wave of criticism from digital content creators, etc who argue that ZIM’s jurisdiction does not extend to global digital platforms like Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, or Instagram. They further warn that the policy will duplicate taxation, since creators already pay Zambia Revenue Authority (ZRA) taxes, and will threaten online freedom and innovation.

Access to the internet remains a challenge in Zambia, hindered by:

High data costs and fast-expiring bundles.
Permanent load-shedding and unreliable power supply.
Slow internet speeds in both urban and rural areas.

Meanwhile, concerns persist over blocking and filtering of content without judicial oversight as experienced during the 2021 General Elections where the social media was shut down for three days.

“Access to the internet is a human right,” digital rights advocates insist. “Regulation must protect, not punish those who use it to express, innovate, and create.”

As Zambia’s creative economy continues to expand, the real question is…..
Will regulation empower digital citizens or silence them?

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The post The shadow of social media tax in Zambia, by Brenda Zulu first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

ZAMBIA’S economic engines are revving—copper output has risen 17 percent in six months, and fresh capital is fuelling expansion in mining, agriculture, and manufacturing.

Yet the country’s growth is constrained by a single bottleneck: insufficient electricity.

Without bold investment in energy infrastructure, these gains risk stalling, and the promise of a more prosperous Zambia could remain out of reach.

The 2025 Energy Forum for Africa (EFFA), held in Lusaka recently, sought to address this urgent challenge.

Government leaders, regional utilities, investors, and innovators convened to craft practical solutions to Zambia’s energy deficit.

At the forefront of these solutions is Stanbic Bank Zambia, which has committed over US$220 million to strategic energy projects across the country.

Chief executive officer, Mwindwa Siakalima, announced the financing package during the forum, which was officiated by President Hakainde Hichilema.

“Our purpose at Stanbic is to drive Zambia’s growth. Energy is a critical enabler of that growth, and we are proud to support investments that are helping the country meet both its short-term energy needs and long-term sustainability goals,” Siakalima said.

Read more: Stanbic urges innovative financing for large-scale energy projects

The bank had spearheaded major financing agreements, including US$55.5 million with Africa GreenCo to import 130 megawatts of power, US$71.5 million for a 100-megawatt solar PV plant under ZESCO subsidiary, Kariba North Bank Power Corporation, and US$96.7 million through the second tranche of CEC Renewables’ green bond to expand the Itimpi Solar PV Plant.

“These are tangible steps that reflect our commitment not just to Zambia, but to Africa’s energy future,” Mr Siakalima added, noting that these investments align with the Eighth National Development Plan, which positions energy as a key driver of mining, agriculture, and manufacturing.

Helen Lubamba, head of corporate and investment banking at Stanbic, highlighted the importance of Zambia’s policy environment.

“Progressive policies such as open access, faster ERB licensing, and cost-reflective tariffs have made it possible for us to back investments in the sector.

“Environmental and social considerations aligned to IFC and Equator principles are non-negotiable for Standard Bank Group,” she said.

Lubamba explained that financing structures were designed to draw repayment directly from project cash flows, requiring rigorous scrutiny of project viability, energy yield, and commercial sustainability.

She stressed that addressing “softer issues” around project implementation, including climate financing and environmental safeguards, remained critical to the success of these arrangements.

Hope Chanda, managing director of Mimshack Engineering Consultants, described the forum as a call to action.

“Africa needs homegrown solutions to solve its own problems. The continent is open not just to business, but to innovation and inclusive energy guided by sustainability. Zambia has the potential to become a regional electricity hub,” she said, noting that last year’s inaugural forum had already yielded the 100-megawatt Chisamba Solar Project, commissioned in June this year by President Hichilema.

President Hichilema emphasised the urgency of regional collaboration.
“We need to dismantle artificial boundaries in the power sector by investing in cross-border infrastructure that enables electricity sharing.

The Zambia–Tanzania interconnector is vital, not only for its return on investment but also for the market size and two-way trading opportunities it offers,” he said.

He further warned that recurring droughts have decimated economies, making it urgent to mobilise resources for infrastructure development.

Minister of Energy, Makozo Chikote, recently highlighted that several projects capable of adding 1,000 megawatts to the national grid cannot take off due to lack of financing, underscoring the need for stronger public-private partnerships.
Stanbic Bank’s investments demonstrate that private capital, paired with government commitment, can deliver both short-term stability and long-term sustainability. But more is needed.

“Zambia’s ambition to produce three million tonnes of copper a year will send electricity demand soaring, and we cannot meet that goal with today’s generation capacity or ageing transmission lines,” the bank noted.

Stanbic is actively financing a pipeline of projects that will diversify Zambia’s power mix.

Solar power and small-scale hydro are priorities, alongside mini-grids to supply rural communities directly.
Investments in transmission infrastructure, often overlooked, are also critical to ensuring electricity reaches all regions.

Recent policy reforms, including the 30-year Integrated Resource Plan, open access frameworks, faster licensing processes, and cost-reflective tariffs, are helping unlock private-sector investment.

The Southern African Power Pool further enhances investor confidence by providing a regional fall-back option for excess supply.
Energy security is not a luxury—it is a necessity. Aligning government ambition with private-sector ingenuity can transform today’s energy shortfall into tomorrow’s competitive advantage.

The time to act boldly and collaboratively is not next year or next quarter—it is now.
“At Stanbic, we are proud to be part of the solution. No country can grow faster than its power supply,”Siakalima said.

Zambia’s growth story is compelling, but only if the lights stay on.

With coordinated effort between government, private investors, and regional partners, Zambia can turn its energy challenges into a competitive edge and ensure sustainable growth for generations to come.

The author is Business Editor at Zambia Daily Mail

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The post Zambia’s growth demands bold energy investment – time to act is now, by Jack Zimba first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

Zambia stands at an energy crossroads. For years, the nation’s economic growth trajectory has been shadowed by power deficits that throttle industrial productivity, limit agricultural expansion, and frustrate investment.

Yet if the discussions at the 2025 Energy Forum for Africa (EFA) are any indication, the conversation is finally shifting from lamentation to solutions — and Stanbic Bank Zambia is positioning itself at the heart of this transition.

At the Forum, Stanbic executives emphasized one truth policymakers often gloss over: Zambia cannot leapfrog into a renewable-powered future without securing immediate stopgaps.

Chief Executive Mwindwa Siakalima was blunt — power imports are not a sign of weakness but a necessary bridge.

With the bank already backing a US$55.5 million facility for imports, Siakalima framed imports as “a critical piece of the puzzle,” buying time for solar, wind, and other long-term projects to stabilize.

Read more: Stanbic calls for balanced approach to energy security, wants short-term imports to complement long-term projects

That pragmatism matters. Without reliable supply, talk of industrialization remains hollow.
Equally telling was Stanbic’s insistence that Zambia’s policy reforms are quietly rewriting the country’s investment story.

As Helen Lubamba, Stanbic Bank Head of Corporate and Investment Banking, explained, measures like open access to the grid, cost-reflective tariffs, and streamlined licensing have opened the door for financiers to take calculated risks.

These aren’t abstract policy tweaks.

They are the scaffolding that has allowed banks to channel millions into solar projects and green bonds that were unimaginable a decade ago.

ZESCO, too, is proving that the transition is more than a boardroom conversation.

The utility has reportedly added 125 megawatts (MW) of solar power to the national grid over the past three months, a milestone in what Managing Director Justin Loongo described as a “solar explosion” programme.

With more than 1,000MW in the pipeline — 600MW of which are advancing urgently — Loongo said the vision is to deliver a diversified, resilient energy mix by 2026.

“In the past three months, 125MW have been injected into the grid, and over 600MW are advancing through development with urgency,” Loongo told delegates.

He emphasized that ZESCO is no longer just a utility but a “market enabler,” opening its grid to independent producers, rolling out net metering, and pushing mini-grids for rural areas. Bankability, he stressed, “is now the standard” for new projects.

Perhaps the most important shift lies in how Zambia is approaching partnerships. The revival of the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model — after years of dormancy — signals recognition that the state cannot do it alone.

Stanbic Vice President Nkandu Machungwa captured it succinctly: concessions must reflect the unique risks of each project. Rigid, one-size-fits-all agreements killed deals in the past. Today, flexibility is turning projects into bankable opportunities.

This is not just theory. In the past year alone, Stanbic has helped mobilize over US$220 million for Zambia’s energy sector, from financing a 100-megawatt solar PV plant under ZESCO to supporting Africa GreenCo’s power imports.

That kind of capital flow is not charity. It is a bet — on Zambia’s policies, on its reforms, and on its ability to sustain investor confidence.

Still, challenges remain. As President Hakainde Hichilema reminded delegates, recurring droughts, outdated transmission infrastructure, and fragmented regional grids continue to undercut progress.

His call to “dismantle artificial boundaries” and accelerate interconnector projects is not rhetoric.

The Zambia–Tanzania interconnector, for instance, could be a game-changer, linking Southern and Eastern African markets. But it requires both political will and financial innovation.

What is clear is that the energy debate is no longer about choosing between imports or renewables, private capital or state action, domestic capacity or regional trade.

It is about weaving all these strands together into a coherent, bankable, and resilient energy future.

For Zambia, the stakes could not be higher. Energy sufficiency is not merely about keeping the lights on; it is about powering the mines that earn foreign exchange, irrigating the fields that secure food, and driving the industries that employ young people.

It is about ensuring the country does not miss yet another wave of continental opportunity.

The takeaway from this year’s Energy Forum for Africa is simple: Zambia cannot afford dogma in its energy strategy. Imports must complement investment.

Policy must balance investor needs with public interest. And above all, partnerships — genuine, flexible, and innovative — must replace rhetoric.

If these lessons are heeded, Zambia has a real shot not just at energy sufficiency, but at becoming a regional electricity hub.

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The post Balancing imports and innovation: Why Zambia’s energy future depends on pragmatic partnership, by Maimbolwa Mulikelela first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

When President Hakainde Hichilema recently opened Parliament, he underscored the importance of inclusive economic growth.

Transport is one of the most visible areas where inclusivity matters. Today, thousands of Zambians queue endlessly for minibuses or spend hours stuck in Lusaka’s traffic jams, while in rural districts many communities remain cut off from clinics, markets, and schools.

And yet, the solution is already around us. Motorcycles and tricycles—popularly known as 2- and 3-wheelers—are quietly transforming rural and peri-urban mobility.

In provinces such as Eastern and Luapula, they are the most reliable and affordable mode of transport. The time has come to recognise this reality by legalising and regulating them nationwide.

A Tool for Inclusive Growth

At an average price of K20,000, a motorbike costs barely a third of a second-hand car.

This low entry cost explains why registrations at the Road Transport and Safety Agency (RTSA) nearly doubled between 2022 and 2023. For many young people, a motorcycle is not just transport; it is a job.

From courier services to informal taxis, 2- and 3-wheelers provide thousands of livelihoods.

By legalising them, government can unlock even greater opportunities: licensing, taxation, and regulation would ensure revenue collection while formalising an industry that already exists in practice.

Far from being a burden, this would expand Zambia’s tax base and increase compliance with safety rules.

The Rural Lifeline

For a farmer in Chongwe or Lundazi, a motorbike is the difference between reaching the market in time or losing produce to spoilage.

For a mother in a remote village, a tricycle can mean a quick trip to a clinic when a child falls ill. These are not luxuries; they are lifelines.

Our neighbours—Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Rwanda—have already legalised and regulated boda-bodas and auto-rickshaws.

Their success stories show that with proper rider training, licensing, and enforcement, safety risks can be managed while reaping enormous social benefits.

Reducing Congestion and Costs

In our cities, traffic congestion wastes millions of productive hours every year. Two- and three-wheelers offer flexible, quick, and low-cost transport options that reduce dependence on minibuses and taxis.

They consume less fuel, take up less road space, and provide affordable fares—often half the price of car-based rides.

For low-income earners, this is a game-changer. Access to affordable mobility translates into access to jobs, schools, and healthcare.

Legalising this mode of transport would therefore expand equity in urban development.

Safety Through Regulation, Not Prohibition

Critics argue that motorcycles are unsafe. They are right to worry, but banning them is not the answer. The real solution lies in proper regulation.

Riders must undergo training, carry licences, and comply with mandatory helmet and reflective gear standards. Tricycles can be limited to low-density or peri-urban areas while central business districts adopt stricter rules.

Kenya’s regulatory framework provides a useful model—cooperative structures, safety equipment, and digital tracking have made boda-bodas more accountable. Zambia can adopt and improve on these best practices.

Healthcare Innovation Shows the Way

Interestingly, the Ministry of Health has already embraced tricycles for a tri-wheel ambulance project linked to a mobile app.

If these vehicles can save lives in emergencies, why should they be excluded from everyday transport? This shows the mindset shift already underway in government.

Legalisation would only formalise what is already being tested in innovative ways.

Economic and Social Benefits

Legalising 2- and 3-wheelers carries multiple payoffs:

Job creation: Thousands of young riders can earn sustainable incomes.

Tax revenue: Registration and licensing will bring informal operators into the formal economy.

Connectivity: Rural communities will gain reliable links to markets, schools, and clinics.

Efficiency: Urban commuters will have faster, cheaper alternatives.

This is not just a transport issue; it is an economic empowerment strategy.

The Way Forward

Zambia must not be left behind. Outdated restrictions belong to another era. Our laws should reflect today’s reality, where motorcycles and tricycles are already part of daily life.

The choice before us is clear: either we keep pushing riders into illegality, or we formalise the industry, make it safer, and let it contribute to national development.

Legalising 2- and 3-wheelers is not just about mobility. It is about jobs, access, and opportunity. It is about creating a transport system that works for every Zambian, whether in Lusaka’s townships or Muchinga’s villages.

As an economist, my view is simple: legalisation will unlock a hidden transport economy and bring it into the mainstream.

Zambia’s future lies not only in mega-projects and highways but also in affordable, accessible, two- and three-wheeled mobility.

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The post Legalising 2- and 3-wheelers: Unlocking Zambia’s transport economy, by Dr. Lubinda Haabazoka first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

The news industry is no stranger to disruption. From the printing press to the internet, journalism has always adapted, albeit sometimes reluctantly, to technological change. Now, Artificial Intelligence (AI) stands at the gates, promising to reshape the way news is gathered, produced and consumed.

For some, this feels like the beginning of the end. Headlines proclaim that AI will kill journalism, replacing reporters with algorithms and editorial instinct with machine learning.

In February 2025, the World Economic Forum’s Future of Jobs Report reveals that 40% of employers expect to reduce their workforce where AI can automate tasks.

Others take a more optimistic view, imagining AI as a helpful co-pilot that can sift through vast data sets, catch errors and speed up workflows. As with most things, the truth likely lies somewhere in the middle.

On our very own turf Zambia; AI continues to impact newsroom and generally how journalists gather and disseminate news although in its infancy stages in terms of adaptation. “Journalists and students admitted to using Meta AI, ChatGPT, Grammarly, Google bald, Copilot, Natural Language Processing (NLP) and Quillbot which they listed as some of the tools they were using” Director of Africa Interactive Media, Brenda Zulu contends in her recent journal on AI.
At its best, AI offers tools that can support journalists rather than replace them.

Newsrooms around the world are already using AI to transcribe interviews, summarise reports, and detect breaking stories from social media activity.

These tasks, though time-consuming, are necessary in the day-to-day life of a reporter. Automating them can free up time and energy for deeper investigative work and more thoughtful storytelling.

Consider the example of the BBC, which has begun using AI to personalise news recommendations for its audiences.

Rather than flooding readers with every headline, the system learns their interests and delivers content that matters to them. It is a practical response to the age of information overload.

However, the benefits of AI do not come without risks. One major concern is accuracy.

Generative AI models can produce text that reads convincingly but contains false or misleading information.

If journalists rely too heavily on these tools without proper verification, we risk eroding trust in an already fragile media ecosystem.

The idea that “AI wrote it” should never be an excuse for a lack of editorial oversight.
Debates on effective and ethical use of AI especially in newsrooms has time and again come to the fore even amidst local practitioners.

There is also the issue of bias. AI is only as good as the data it is trained on, and if that data reflects historical prejudice or imbalance, the output will too.

For journalists, who are meant to serve the public interest and hold power to account, this is a real danger. We cannot afford to let opaque algorithms determine what counts as news or whose voices are heard.

Moreover, there is a broader ethical debate that cannot be ignored.

Journalism is not just about processing information. It is about judgement, context, and human experience.

Can a machine understand the nuance of a political scandal or the heartbreak in a survivor’s voice? Can it ask the difficult follow-up question in a press conference? Perhaps one day it might simulate these things, but we are not there yet.

For news organisations, the path forward lies in responsible integration.

AI should be seen as a tool, not a replacement. It can assist with the heavy lifting, but the editorial decisions must remain human.

This also means investing in training for journalists so they understand the capabilities and limitations of AI.

The gap between those who use these tools wisely and those who misuse them will grow rapidly if left unaddressed.
Transparency is equally crucial.

Readers have a right to know when a piece of content has been generated or assisted by AI.

Just as we cite sources and disclose conflicts of interest, we should be open about how technology shapes the news.

Trust in journalism is hard-earned and easily lost. Let us not throw it away in the name of efficiency.

There is no turning back the clock. AI is here, and it will continue to evolve.

But we still have a say in how it is used. The question is not whether journalism will survive AI. It is whether journalism will rise to the challenge of using AI in ways that uphold its core values, truth, fairness, and public service.

In the end, it is not just about preserving jobs or adapting to a new tool – it is about defending the soul of journalism in a digital age.

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The post The intersection of journalism, AI, by Andrew Chinambu first appeared on Zambia Monitor.

Africa’s energy landscape is evolving rapidly with rising populations and expanding economies driving the demand for reliable, sustainable and affordable energy.

The World Bank estimates that about 640 million people have no access to clean energy in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), With the ravaging impact of climate change, policy renovations to onboard alternative forms of sustainable and affordable clean energy are underway.

Wind, solar, geothermal and hydroelectric power offer sustainable alternatives, but transitioning requires balancing long-term goals with infrastructure and economic perspectives. Despite abundant resources, renewable energymakes up only 18% of Africa’s electricity output.

Africa has immense renewable potential. Nearly 60% of its land is bequeathed with strong solar irradiation year-round, making solar energy scalable and increasingly affordabledespite high startup costs.

Read more: CEC targets 300MW solar output by 2027 to boost Zambia’s energy security

Mini-grids and solar home systems expand access in off-grid regions without embarking on costly grid extension and or expansions initiatives.

Coastal and highland areas, especially in Morocco, Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa, have significant wind energy potential, which could complement the exploitation of the sunshine economy.

Africa’s major rivers, such as the Nile, Congo, and Zambezi, support hydroelectric power generation, with Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam leading in large-scale projects.

The Grand Inga project planned for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) aims to be the largest hydro electric power auditorium in the world once completed.

Together, a well-balanced energy mix can reduce over dependence on imported fuels and one form of energy, create jobs, lower emissions, and enhance energy security. Yet adoption remains slow, with solar power contributing less than 5% of Africa’s electricity supply, and wind and hydro development progressing only in select countries.

Several obstacles slow electrification progress, including insufficient infrastructure, financing challenges, regulatory inadequacies, non-cost reflective tariffs and policy uncertainty.

Different African countries are at different stages of policy reforms to re-shape and re-pivot the regulatory environment as a pathway to attract investment not just in generation but also transmission and distribution.
Despite these hurdles, African governments are acting. Kenya’s Lake Turkana Wind Power Project, the continent’s largest wind farm, has added 310 MW to the grid, powering nearly one million homes.
Morocco’s Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex, one of the world’s largest concentrated solar power plants, has 580 MW of capacity, reducing reliance on fossil fuels.

Meanwhile, Egypt and Senegal are scaling up renewable energy auctions and tenders to drive investment.
Zambia has just concluded building a 100MW solar power plant in Chisamba, Central Province. This is the largest solar energy plant in the region.

This is a demonstration of resolve to diversify and scaffold the evolving greening agenda. The national power utility company Zesco has signed at least 1,500MW of renewable energy projects.

To address the intermittency of solar and wind, hydro projects are being deployed as stabilisers.

A recent 250MW hydropower initiative in Uganda is a prime example, showing how renewable energy diversity can improve supply stability and reduce reliance on backup fossil generation.

Collectively, over 472MW of renewable energy capacity is now operational across several African countries, with more than 1,100MW under construction and a pipeline of over 3GW of solar, wind, and hydro projects under different phases of project development.

Regional support has also played a crucial role in advancing Africa’s renewable energy sector.

The African Union’s Agenda 2063 prioritises sustainable energy development, while the African Development Bank’s Desert to Power initiative aims to install 10 GW of solar capacity by 2030, providing electricity to 250 million people across the Sahel region.
A crucial factor to keep in mind as Africa continues to grow its renewable energy portfolio is that the energy transition must be fair and just. Africa contributes less than 4% of global emissions but suffers disproportionately from climate impacts.

Rapid fossil fuel phase-outs without reliable renewable energy alternatives could trigger energy shortages, job losses and economic sabotage. Many countries also need substantial financing to build clean energy technologies.

Governments and private sector must work together to ensure that alternative form of energy forms part of the backbone of Africa’s energy system, delivering reliable, affordable and sustainable energy, creating jobs, and driving green industrial growth.

At the same time, scaling up renewable energy must be balanced with a well scaffolded realistic approach to sustainable energy security. Africa should transition gradually, recognising the continued role of fossil fuel in ensuring a reliable supply while clean energy pathways are being onboarded expanded.

The goal is to develop a diverse energy mix that sustains economies while building a more sustainable future leading to the AU agenda of creating a single Africa electricity market by linking the 5 African regional power pools.

Wind, solar, and hydropower will shape Africa’s sustainable energy future, but success hinges on adequate reforms, harmonisation of regulatory frameworks across regions, strategic investment, and inclusive development.

The transition must be pragmatic rather than ideological, prioritising economic stability while expanding renewables energy portfolio.
The author is a Zambian energy expert.

WARNING! All rights reserved. This material, and other digital content on this website, may not be reproduced, published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed in whole or in part without prior express permission from ZAMBIA MONITOR.

The post Wind, solar, hydro power: Our renewable energy initiatives in Africa at a glance, by Dr Johnstone Chikwanda first appeared on Zambia Monitor.